It Doesn’t Look Like Anything to Me

A number of weeks ago Black Lives Matter activists crashed an ACLU speaking event at the College of William and Mary, shutting it down while accusing the ACLU representative and the organization of “protecting Hitler” and supporting “white supremacy.” William and Mary, for its part, issued a pathetic and cowardly condemnation of the protesters, declaring, “Silencing certain voices in order to advance the cause of others is not acceptable in our community,” as if using implied violence to strike at the very foundation of the free speech were a mildly annoying diversionary tactic rather than the stuff of half-bright wannabe dictators.

At the time the ACLU, to its credit, issued a stinging rebuke of this all-too-common campus disruption tactic. The ACLU has become something of a progressive policy shop in recent years, but its commitment to freedom of speech has been relentless and unwavering—they understand, better than most people, that you can’t have a free speech regime unless your speech is actually free, i.e. you can’t censor speech you don’t like, even the bad stuff, even the really bad stuff like Nazis, and even the super-bad stuff like Ben Shapiro, without abolishing free speech altogether and instituting an order of genuine oppression.

Progressive activists, particularly those on college campuses, have recently opted for a sort of workaround of America’s liberal free speech regime, utilizing thug mob tactics as they did at William and Mary to shut up those with whom they disagree. The ACLU, for its part,  recognizes—or at least they did, at one point—that this kind of behavior in inimical to a free society; in its statement the organization claimed, in part:

Disruption that prevents a speaker from speaking, and audience members from hearing the speaker, is not constitutionally protected speech even on a public college campus subject to the First Amendment; it is a classic example of a heckler’s veto, and, appropriately, can be prohibited by a college student code of conduct as it is at William and Mary. As a government entity, a public college like William and Mary has an obligation to protect the freedom of the speaker to speak and not to allow one group of people to shout down or seek to intimidate other speakers or members of the audience who wish to hear the speaker from exercising their own free speech rights. This is true regardless of what individuals or groups are speaking, protesting or counter-protesting…

What happened at William and Mary on Sept. 27 is a part of a larger national trend that is challenging campus leaders across the country to find the right formula for assuring that critical community conversations can take place in a culture of inquiry consistent with a true learning environment. Actions that bully, intimidate or disrupt must not be without consequences in any such formula.

Good stuff, right? Well, it was good stuff—but in the intervening weeks the Virginia ACLU unfortunately excised these words from its statement. Now, the only condemnation of the mob they can muster is to call it “disappointing.” Apparently the excised portions of the original statement “no longer reflect the VA ACLU’s current position.” Current position on what? Does the state’s ACLU now find it acceptable to “bully, intimidate or disrupt” individuals who are engaging in constitutionally-protected speech? Do they support “disruptions that prevents a speaker from speaking, and audience members from hearing the speaker?” Is that the new frontier of free speech to which they’ve ascribed?

Maybe so—and if that’s the case, it is a bizarre and stupid and really quite pathetic stance to take. It should not be hard to stand up to the kinds of people who think you’re a “white supremacist” for believing in robust free speech protections; it should not be difficult to condemn the kind of mob-driven silencing tactics which college students have found so useful in recent years. This is elementary stuff, practical civil rights 101. It doesn’t matter that the government won’t censor your speech if lawless bands of intractable activists are going to do it anyway; the end result is the same.

In the case of the ACLU’s being driven from William and Mary’s campus, it’s not even fair to say that the mob was exercising a “heckler’s veto;” as was reported at the time, after the event was officially cancelled, some attendees wanted to speak to the ACLU rep, but the activists weren’t having any of that: they “surrounded [her], raised their voices even louder, and drove everybody else away.” It was not enough that the event was shut down; Black Lives Matter literally forbid people from talking to one another.

A short while ago Virginia’s ACLU called this type of behavior “bullying” and “intimidation” and said that anyone engaging in these kinds of tactics should face “consequences.” In just a few short weeks they apparently changed their minds. So what does it say about the future of American free speech that one of its greatest defenders has apparently backed down in the face of an anti-free-speech mob? When one of the principle champions of the First Amendment has apparently decided that it’s perfectly okay to subject one of your constitutional liberties to the irrational forces of vigilante activism, what do you think will eventually become of the rest of the Bill of Rights?

What is Dumb May Never Die

As I have written before, I tire of defending the Second Amendment from people who don’t understand it, who have never undertaken to understand it, and who are in fact determined to never learn anything at all about it. It is an intellectually exhausting and thankless undertaking. A fellow gun rights enthusiast once told me that I should ignore the historically illiterate ramblings of these people, and I’d surely love to do that, but then again that feels like a singularly risky way to approach the whole thing. One doesn’t ignore a termite infestation or a nest of rats in one’s crawlspace, after all—such problems only have a tendency to multiply into bigger problems, until your whole house falls down or else is condemned by irritated municipal employees. Or uh, your guns get taken away. You know what I mean.

At Penn Live, writer Nick Field demonstrates the popular and pervasive ahistorical interpretation of the Second Amendment. Field’s opinion is not irrelevant or unfashionable: it is held by many influential and famous people, even Hillary Clinton, who very nearly became president of these United States. It is tough to ignore a political position when it comes very close to sitting in the Oval Office. As Field writes:

“A well regulated Militia,” [the amendment] reads “being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.”

The qualifier in the beginning is vitally important because it is not present in any other Amendment. Thus it is clear that right “to keep and bear Arms” is not an individual right, but one dependent on service in a state sanctioned body.

This might make sense—if you understand nothing of either the history or the structure of the Constitution and its amendments. The history on the matter is expansive and interesting, and beyond the scope of this brief blog post. But the structure of the Constitution is relatively simple and easy to explain, and counts as a clean and easy rebuke of this flatly incorrect act of shoddy constitutional exegesis. Puzzle this out: the Constitution grants the Congress of the United States near-total control over the state militias—what the kids these days call “plenary power.” The only powers that are left to the states are a few administrative and technical issues: the appointment of militia officers and the training of the militia (the lattermost of which is “according to the discipline prescribed by Congress,” so it’s more like a menial secretarial authority!). Congress, on the other hand, has “the power…To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the Militia, and for governing such Part of them as may be employed in the Service of the United States.” That’s plenary; it’s essentially absolute, and has been for over two hundred years, and no serious person has ever suggested otherwise.

Puzzle it out. Take your time: if indeed the Second Amendment stipulates a right “dependent on service in a state sanctioned body,” what would that mean? It would mean two things that are at once entirely contradictory: that (a) citizens have a right to “keep and bear arms” in a state militia, and (b) the United States government has a right to exclude those very same citizens from that state militia. This makes no sense—in fact it makes less than no sense, it is rather proactively anti-sensical. Think about it: how can one exercise a “right” if that right exists at the whole and entire sufferance of the whims of government agents? What is a “right” if you can be denied it for any reason whatsoever? Imagine if the Constitution permitted Congress to “provide for organizing, executing and censoring free speech in the United States.” Could we honestly say that the First Amendment would mean anything in such a context? Of course not. So it is with the Second Amendment, which cannot exist for the reason that people like Nick Field says it exists without changing the Constitution itself into an idiot pretzel document that turns on itself and eats itself.

Some things are opinions. Other things are facts. This is one of the latter: the Second Amendment confers an individual right to firearm ownership unconnected to service in a state militia. To believe otherwise—to believe as Nick Field and Hillary Clinton and many other people do—is to embrace a kind of Mad Hatter ethic, a Möbius strip of pure and undiluted illogic. It makes no sense at all. And yet it persists and, if unchecked, will likely continue to grow. So I think it is necessary to push back against this illiteracy wherever I find it—and you should, too.

The Byline in Thine Own Eye

George Bush recently gave a speech in which he implicitly lambasted Trumpism, which is always a commendable undertaking—Trumpism, an ill-informed stew of economic nativism, anti-elitism and half-formed old-style social conservatism promulgated by a globalist bronze-gilded faux-elite adulterer and admitted sexual harasser, is a deeply stupid pseudo-ideology that should be relegated to the dust heap of history next to other broken ideologies like communism and whatever it is the Congressional Progressive Caucus is up to at the moment. It is nice to see that Bush, in his own vague and quiet way, understands this, though one imagines it is also a bit personal, given the things that Donald Trump said to Jeb Bush during the campaign, things that under other circumstances—in, say, the Texas honkytonks probably within walking distance of George Bush’s Crawford ranch—would have likely gotten Donald Trump’s teeth knocked out.

Anyway, a lot of people were really happy with what Bush said, which is great, though it’s amusing to see the Strange New Respect that a lot of liberals seem to have for Bush, given that barely a decade ago he was, you know, Hitler or something. But this is kind of how things go in this country. And this phenomenon, or something like it, is not just limited to self-described liberals. Kathleen Parker, for one, recently reminisced about the more staid qualities of the Bush administration:

No stranger to media criticism — crushing criticism — Bush never attacked the fourth estate. He also obviously recognizes that worse than a reporter’s or editor’s error is the undermining of public faith in a free press. Once the government succeeds in eliminating a country’s watchdogs, the government becomes the only source of information. Most people know, or should know, how that ends.

This is a strange criticism, because, for all of his serious and pathological faults, Trump’s criticism of the media is among the better and more justifiable parts of his presidency, his stupid and childish musings about FCC licenses notwithstanding. I am not quite sure if Trump himself attacks the media for all the right reasons—he will lash out at anyone who he thinks is snubbing him in any way or if he thinks it will give him any sort of positional advantage—but he has nevertheless managed to hit upon a certain elemental truth of 21st-century American life: our media in general are a nasty joke, a consortium of deeply biased and profoundly unprofessional individuals who will, variously, lie, ignore, obfuscate, cover up and dissemble about anything they possibly can—particularly when it comes to Donald Trump, whom the press generally cannot cover with anything less than 72-point hysterical mania.

And this is a terrible thing, because the facts of Trump’s presidency, laid bare, are generally bad enough to seriously handicap his chances for re-election in 2020. From a conservative’s perspective, Trump has done a number of good things, and he may yet still do more. From a neutral political standpoint, he has executed a number of truly stupendous idiot gaffes and blunders, both parliamentary and ideological, that should render him even less palatable than he was the first time around. If journalists genuinely wish to ensure that Trump’s presidency is held to a single term—and virtually all of them do, to a man—they might stop reporting on Trump like he is literally the Antichrist and start reporting on him like he is literally Donald Trump, which should do the trick well enough.

Knowledge Doesn’t Matter Out Here

Earlier this week at the Federalist I answered a genuinely stupid pro-abortion argument promulgated by a sci-fi author, of all people, on Twitter. Responding to these types of arguments is among the most thankless tasks in the pro-life catalogue, mainly because the people who espouse and believe such rhetoric are generally either not willing to understand, or else are not capable of understanding, the subsequent refutations. Which is basically what happened. Such is life.

It is fascinating to watch the lengths to which pro-choicers will go not merely to defend abortion but to justify it on the most staggeringly illogical of grounds. The old style of pro-choice argument—the one that drove Harry Blackmun to issue his tortured opinion in 1973, for instance, and the one to which most liberal philosophy undergrads ascribe—is that, whatever their biotic status, unborn human beings are for whatever reason not “human persons,” and it is thus acceptable to rip them apart with forceps and vacuum them up in little bitty bits.

The newer school of pro-abortionism takes it one step further, not just quantitatively but qualitatively: many pro-choice people my age and younger argue that the unborn are not merely not persons but are also not human. That was the argument of the fellow on Twitter (“Fetuses are not yet human”), and while we might feel safe in ignoring the utterly unscientific opinions of a science fiction writer and stand-up comedian, the idea is nonetheless pervasive. “Fetuses are not yet human.”

This is wrong—deeply wrong, like 2+2=5 wrong—but it is also very useful for the party espousing it, in the same way that “Black people are sub-human” was once useful, as was “Jews are responsible for the Treaty of Versailles,” and so forth. Rhetoric like this is practical insofar as it dehumanizes and delegitimizes certain subsets of the population—blacks, Jews, tiny little humans, etc—and makes it acceptable for great harm to be done to them. Nobody argues in favor of abortion as a means of curing cancer or solving the debt crisis; they argue for it so that it might remain legal and popularly acceptable to kill certain types of human beings.

So what does actual science—as opposed to stand-up comedian science—say about humanity’s generative taxonomy? There are a great many sources to which one can refer to answer this question—e.g. a freshman biology textbook—but one of my favorite essays on the topic comes from Maureen Condic, who explains at the Charlotte Lozier Institute: “A Scientific View of When Life Begins.” Dr. Condic is an “associate Professor of Neurobiology and Adjunct Professor of Pediatrics at the University of Utah School of Medicine,” and also “Director of Human Embryology instruction for the Medical School and of Human Neuroanatomy for the Dental School.” So we might guess that she understands the topic better than the guy who writes space books with titles like “Trident’s Forge.” I would encourage you to read Dr. Condic’s entire essay, but for our purposes here is the heart of the matter, so to speak:

What is the nature of the new cell that comes into existence upon sperm-egg fusion?  Most importantly, is the zygote merely another human cell (like a liver cell or a skin cell) or is it something else?  Just as science distinguishes between different types of cells, it also makes clear distinctions between cells and organisms. Both cells and organisms are alive, yet organisms exhibit unique characteristics that can reliably distinguish them from mere cells.

An organism is defined as “(1) a complex structure of interdependent and subordinate elements whose relations and properties are largely determined by their function in the whole and (2) an individual constituted to carry on the activities of life by means of organs separate in function but mutually dependent: a living being.” (Merriam-Webster)   This definition stresses the interaction of parts in the context of a coordinated whole as the distinguishing feature of an organism.  Organisms are “living beings.”  Therefore, another name for a human organism is a “human being”; an entity that is a complete human, rather than a part of a human…

Human embryos from the one-cell (zygote) stage forward show uniquely integrated, organismal behavior that is unlike the behavior of mere human cells.  The zygote produces increasingly complex tissues, structures and organs that work together in a coordinated way.  Importantly, the cells, tissues and organs produced during development do not somehow “generate” the embryo (as if there were some unseen, mysterious “manufacturer” directing this process), they are produced by the embryo as it directs its own development to more mature stages of human life.  This organized, coordinated behavior of the embryo is the defining characteristic of a human organism.

So: “fetuses are not yet human” versus, you know, the actual science on the matter. Which sounds more convincing to you?

From an objective, rational standpoint it is obviously the latter. And yet it is still not enough for a great many people, who remain convinced that unborn humans are “not human” in spite of the wealth of evidence, and also basic common sense, that says otherwise. What this suggests is that, in a lot of cases, the problem of pro-abortion politics is really a problem of normative ethics, not epistemology: many people simply believe a priori that it is acceptable to kill unborn human beings, and they will search for desperate rationalizations—even unto the point of denying basic science—in order to justify it.

Rhetoric has a large place in convincing people that abortion is wrong. But, like slavery and other human rights atrocities before and after it, there will always be holdouts—people who will believe in such barbarity no matter what. This illustrates above all that the law, particularly constitutional law, is a necessary part of the pro-life agenda: we cannot hope to secure justice for the unborn until it is illegal for us to kill them.

Barfing for Justice!

In our time, the term “Social Justice Warrior” has become something of a needling pejorative, and rightly so, for Social Justice Warriors are profoundly unpleasant and largely unlikable people. Being a Social Justice Warrior doesn’t simply mean you hold liberal political views; millions of people hold those views and they’re as pleasant and well-adjusted as anyone. Social Justice Warriors, in contrast, are neurotic, hysterical, very stupid individuals. They are not stupid in terms of innate ability or intelligence, mind you—a low IQ and/or low intellectual aptitude is neither a sin nor a vice. Rather they are stupid by their own volitions, determined as a matter of choice to remain belligerently ignorant and caustically uninformed about even the political and cultural topics on which they fixate. Willful idiocy is among the most destructive types of idiocy, for it cannot even recognize itself as such; indeed it mistakes idiocy for virtue, and in doing so elevates the former while trampling on the latter.

I do not make these descriptions lightly; nor do I make them broadly. In terms of raw numbers, Social Justice Warriors are actually fairly uncommon. Not very many people can maintain the type of perpetual seething rage and wanton gooberism that the label requires. But that’s the magic of the brand: it doesn’t really need a lot of adherents to make a lot of change. In the same way that just a few guys with box cutters can hijack a few planes and change the course of world history forever, really dedicated progressive activists can similarly change the social landscape with relatively few individuals involved.

Such is the case with—for goodness’s sake, of all things—young adult literature:

When Laura Moriarty decided she wanted to write a dystopian novel about a future America in which Muslims are forcefully corralled into detention centers, she was aware that she should tread carefully. Her protagonist is a white teenager, but one of her main characters, Sadaf, is a Muslim American immigrant from Iran, so Moriarty began by diving into Iranian books and films. Moriarty explained via email that she asked two Iranian immigrant friends to read an early draft and see if Sadaf seemed authentic to them, and whether the language and accent fit with their memories and experiences. A friend of Pakistani and American descent who is a practicing Muslim gave additional feedback. Moriarty asked a senior colleague at the University of Kansas, Giselle Anatol, who writes about Young Adult fiction and has been critical of racist narratives in literature, to read the book with a particular eye toward avoiding another narrative about a “white savior.” And after American Heart was purchased by Harper, the publisher provided several formal “sensitivity reads,” in which a member of a minority group is charged with spotting potentially problematic depictions in a manuscript.

None of this, as it turns out, was enough to protect American Heart from becoming the subject of the latest skirmish in the increasingly contentious battle over representation and diversity in the world of YA literature. American Heartwon’t be published until January, but it has already attracted the ire of the fierce group of online YA readers that journalist Kat Rosenfield has referred to as “culture cops.” To them, it was an irredeemable problem that Moriarty’s novel, which was inspired in part by Huckleberry Finn, centers on a white teenager who gradually—too gradually—comes to terms with the racism around her. On Goodreads, the book’s top “community review,” posted in September, begins, “fuck your white savior narratives”; other early commenters on Goodreads accused Moriarty of “profiting off people’s pain” and said “a white writer should not have tackled this story, and neither should a white character be the center of it.”

The backlash escalated last week, when Kirkus Reviews gave American Heart a coveted “starred review,” which influences purchases by bookstores and libraries. Kirkus’ anonymous reviewer called the book “by turns terrifying, suspenseful, thought-provoking, and touching,” and praised its “frighteningly believable setting of fear and violent nativism gone awry.” The book’s critics were not pleased with the commendation. “Kirkus Reviews of books reinforce white supremacy,” author and activist Justina Ireland, who had posted a critical review of the book on Medium, wrote on Twitter. “I’m sick to my stomach over this, and I’m so sorry Muslim folks have to contend with one more reminder that their humanity is negotiable.” BookRiot published a list of “Books by Muslims to Support Instead of Reading ‘American Heart.’”

Kirkus listened: the company removed the review, claiming that it “fell short of meeting our standards for clarity and sensitivity.” They then re-posted it in an edited form, said update presumably containing more clarity and sensitivity than the original.

What is most astonishing about the company’s decision is that, in the statement, they point out that the original starred reviewer was an “observant Muslim person of color.” Got that? To recap: in writing a book featuring Muslim characters, the author of the book did extensive cultural research, asked two Middle Eastern friends (who may have been Muslim) and one Pakistani-American friend (who definitely was Muslim) to look over the manuscript, and had a colleague who is “critical of racist narratives” read the book. Furthermore, the manuscript was subject to several “sensitivity reads” by “member[s] of…minority group[s]” to ensure that no “problematic depictions” made it into the final draft. And then, finally, the book was favorably reviewed by an “observant Muslim person of color.”

And what was the response? “Fuck your white savior narratives.” Fuck em, lady! And this from people who, lest it be forgotten, haven’t even read the novel.

Still: it gets results. Probably only a few dozen people, at most, caused this ruckus. And yet it was still enough for a major book publishing company to make a highly insulting and cowardly decision in the face of a nasty slander campaign. If you’re running a business, I suppose you have to think about how this stuff looks to the public; you have to think about your bottom line, and whether you want a bunch of shrieking activists claiming that you believe that “[Muslim peoples’] humanity is negotiable.” That kind of thing might stink on social media.

Then again, it might not. A great many people have learned to ignore this kind of pablum. Others might pay some attention to it but are happy to judge the book on its own merits. Still more people are probably completely unaware of these dumb manufactured controversies. What this means is this: it is highly unlikely that the uninformed and senseless ramblings of Internet Social Justice Warriors matter all that much. It would be very encouraging if companies stopped taking them seriously, for they do not deserve to be taken seriously. Ignoring them is the best option at this point; they can be “sick to their stomach” over “white savior narratives” on their own time, and outlets like Kirkus can stop believing that such opinions matter at all.

Talk Straight, Shoot Straighter

At the Los Angeles Times, in a article calling for the repeal of the 2nd Amendment, Professor Timothy Waters writes:

Rights matter, and protecting rights carries costs. We need a real debate about our willingness to pay those costs. There is serious disagreement about whether guns protect liberty or threaten it — disagreement we don’t have when it comes to the value of voting or free assembly. That alone is reason enough to reconsider the 2nd Amendment.

He is right about the “real debate,” though he is wrong in his assumption that we’re not having that debate already—we are, even if it’s sometimes imperfect and flawed.

After every mass shooting in the United States, at least a few commentators and pundits—and sometimes a lot of them—come out in favor of repealing or radically attenuating the 2nd Amendment to the United States Constitution. Progressives (and some nominally conservative individuals) frequently argue that the 2nd Amendment’s guarantee of an individual right to firearm ownership—a right that is meant, in part, to act as a civil check on government authority—is functionally useless, insofar as, the thinking goes, civilians with handguns and semiautomatic rifles could never hope to outmatch the full military power of the United States Armed Forces.

At the New York Times, author Michael Sherman, for one, writes: “If you think stock piling firearms from the local Guns and Guitars store, where the Las Vegas shooter purchased some of his many weapons, and dressing up in camouflage and body armor is going to protect you from an American military capable of delivering tanks and armored vehicles full Navy SEALs to your door, you’re delusional.”

Similarly, the Times’s newest “conservative” writer, Bret Stephens, wrote a column baldly titled: “Repeal the 2nd Amendment.” Stephens gives short shrift to “the idea that an armed citizenry is the ultimate check on the ambitions and encroachments of government power.” He calls this idea “curious,” citing, among other conflicts, the failed Whisky Rebellion as an example of the limits of civilian armament.

For the sake of argument, let us entertain the notion for a moment that these two men are correct—that the 2nd Amendment is nothing more than a useless, antiquated relic, one whose two-century-old guarantees are wholly unsuited to the world we live in today. As a good-faith gesture, I’ll posit this political opinion clearly and unambiguously: the 2nd Amendment is useless as a check on tyranny, because armed American citizens could never withstand the might of the United States Armed Forces.

For everyone who believes this, and who thus believes the 2nd Amendment (and individual firearm rights in general) should be repealed, I have a simple, easy-to-answer question. It’s not a trick question; it’s not rhetorical; it’s not a “gotcha.” It is an honest inquiry that deserves an honest answer. It is this:

If the United States government were taken over by dictators, fascists and/or totalitarians, and the government itself were weaponized against innocent American citizens, would you rather have a gun, or would you rather be disarmed? 

This is not a gag question. It is a serious one. I have posed it to a number of pro-gun-control progressives over the past few years, and I have never gotten a straight answer. A journalist posed this question to the director of the Holocaust Research Institute, in the context of Nazi-mandated Jewish disarmament prior to the Holocaust, and the director flatly refused to answer it.

If we are going to have a “real debate” about the 2nd Amendment, this question should be answered by everyone who wishes to repeal it and who thinks civilian gun ownership is a bad idea. I invite everyone who feels this way to respond in the comments section below, and to explain your answer, whatever it may be.

You Need Us, Ladies!

Emerging from the Chardonnay-stinking mahogany-lined den in which she has spent the last eleven months hibernating, Hillary Clinton took to Twitter a few days ago to declare: “Rolling back no-copay birth control shows a blatant disregard for medicine, science, & every woman’s right to make her own health decisions.” Really—medicine, science and women’s rights? It’s not every day that a mild, low-impact deregulatory administrative decision hits the gold standard trifecta of political consequences, but leave it to the Trump administration to pull off such a yuge accomplishment.

It is funny sometimes to observe how quickly the Overton window can move, and how far: Obamacare’s unilateral contraceptive mandate is barely five years old, but, to listen to liberal pundits and politicians tell it, the mandate is as indispensable a part of modern American society as the Civil Rights Act or Miranda v. Arizona. That’s a neat trick, and a very useful one as well: much of a generation of American women now believes that having the government force insurance companies to offer them “free” birth control is a normal and indeed imperative part of the American constitutional order. Progressives are fairly bad at most governmental undertakings—governance, budget-making, constitutional restraint—but they are simply stellar when it comes to convincing the masses to be slavishly dependent upon the government, even unto the point of subsidizing their sex lives.

And make no mistake: that is what this is about. Liberals have expended a great deal of commentary arguing that, au contraire, birth control actually has a lot of uses outside of suppressing a woman’s fertility: at Self, Mattie Quinn claims that contraception is “basic medicine” which “provides ample benefits beyond pregnancy prevention,” including “[easing of] severe menstrual cramps,” “[reducing] acne,” and “[eliminating] menstrual migraines.”

All of this may be true (though there are certainly other, better ways to do these things), but birth control is ultimately not primarily or even secondarily about such considerations (that’s why it’s called “birth control” and not, you know, “panacea women’s miracle drug”).  Birth control is about sex, specifically about the ability to have sex and not get pregnant from it. Don’t take my word for it: the Most Worshipful Grand Master of American birth control herself, Cecile Richards, responded to the Trump administration’s rule change by declaring: “We’re talking about a fundamental right — to be able to decide whether and when you want to have children.”

Do tell. Not very long ago, if a women were unable to afford contraception, she was still perfectly capable of deciding “whether and when to have children;” there was always the option of, well,, not having sex. It is an odd thing to see nominally serious people—successful grown-ups who are in charge of major American institutions—approach policy-making with the a priori assumption that women are incapable of any kind of functional abstinence. I myself tend to believe that your average woman is perfectly able to lead a healthy, happy life without the Trump administration ordering Cigna and BlueCross BlueShield to waive the cost of their contraception. But hell, I’m a throwback—you know, to 2011.

Ultimately that is a theoretical proposition, not an applicative one. By-and-large, hormonal contraception is one of the more affordable medicines on the market: as Jeff Jacoby points out, the Pill can often be had for as little as $20 a month, or roughly less than 75¢ a day. That price would almost certainly decrease even more if the Pill were made available over-the-counter, something Republicans tried to do a few years ago but to which Democrats were uniformly opposed.

Ladies: Democrats don’t want you to be able to buy packs of Ortho-Novum like you buy packs of Tylenol PM. It would destroy the Democrat narrative of women as helpless waifs utterly dependent upon the largesse of Democrats. It works out much better for them, politically, if they convince you that you’re dependent upon free hormonal contraceptives, which are in turn dependent upon free hormonal contraceptive mandates, which are in turn dependent upon Democrats getting elected to national office. See how it works? They sure do. That’s why you have a shrieking chorus of maniacs babbling that a very small conscience protection clause in a federal administrative rule is going to turn you into one of Margaret Atwood’s handmaids—all for a product that you could probably buy on your own for less than a gas station cup of coffee per day. “Birth control is not controversial,” Cecile Richards claims. So why the hell is the Left making it so controversial?

All Right, Then, I’ll Go to Hell

So George Clooney apparently had no idea that Harvey Weinstein was a serial sexual pervert and also maybe a rapist. Perhaps he is telling the truth, though I am tempted to think that Clooney may be just a bit wiser than the numerous other Hollywood celebrities who have confessed that, yes, they knew about Weinstein’s degenerate sexual behavior for years, but they didn’t say anything because he was basically the Emperor Xerxes of Hollywood. It’s not a good look when you admit to having known for upwards of several decades that one of the great power players in the modern film industry is a nasty little pervo. Generally you’re supposed to, you know, say something about that kind of stuff.

That nobody did up until very recently is a tremendously sad commentary on the ultimately pathetic nature of the entertainment industry, a profession which—more so than most, it would seem—compels people to keep their traps shut in order to advance their own careers. As the Times notes, when propositioned by him in his bedroom, Ashley Judd’s impulse was to wonder: “How do I get out of the room as fast as possible without alienating Harvey Weinstein?” (“There’s a lot on the line,” she told the Times, citing “the cachet that came with Miramax.”) Were she being propositioned by a random weirdo rather than a powerful mogul, it is doubtful that Judd would have taken the time to worry about her career before getting out of the room as fast as possible. (Judd believes that this kind of observation is “victim-blaming,” which is a weird argument: it is hard to square “victimhood,” after all, with the kind of cynical professional strategizing Judd exhibited by her own admission.) Rose McGowan also allegedly suffered harassment at Weinstein’s hands a few decades ago, for which she apparently accepted a hundred grand in hush money. Jessica Chastain claims that “the stories were everywhere” and that she was “warned from the beginning.” Matt Damon and Russel Crowe, meanwhile, allegedly helped squash an exposé about Weinstein in the Times back in 2004. And Tina Fey was cracking wise about Weinstein’s sexual perversity on 30 Rock back in 2012.

Plenty of people knew—probably most people knew, even George Clooney, who is likely just thinking about that congressional bid he’s hoping to mount in 2022. Lurid stories like this are never not-known; they’re just not-talked-about, at least not in any way that could effect any real meaningful change. And this is a masterful exegesis on the craven, opportunistic politics of Hollywood liberalism. Everyone is very happy to debase, mock, slander and criticize the President of the United States for, in part, his pathological mistreatment of women—but nobody will speak out against a temperamental pervert film exec for doing the same thing for decades. As Meryl Streep put it, he supported “good and worthy causes.” What’s a little weaponized masturbation among Democrats?

This ultimately isn’t a partisan thing; it is much more serious than that, and more elemental, and more damning of Hollywood elites than even their stupid liberal political biases. If you’re a low-level key grip’s assistant who’s just starting to work her way up the ladder, maybe you think your best option is to just smile politely at Harvey Weinstein’s ding-dong advances, excuse yourself from the room, and keep your trap shut. But Ashley Judd, Jessica Chastain, Matt Damon, Tina Fey—these are all very powerful, very wealthy people,  the kind of folks who, materially speaking, have nothing to lose by exposing the nasty little criminal habits of a nasty little criminal man. If Weinstein’s exploits were so well-known, it would not have been difficult in the slightest for half a dozen moneyed and well-connected celebrities to coordinate a thorough exposé a decade prior to this. Even if the effort ultimately failed, no great loss: you might get blacklisted from those coke parties in Redondo Beach, but you’ve still got fifty million sitting in the bank, and you went out on a high moral note.

But maybe the coke parties and the red carpets and the good reviews in the Chicago Tribune were what really mattered. Maybe these men and women did stop to think about going public about Harvey the Pervert, but then it occurred to them: “I really like my life the way it is now. I don’t want to mess anything up.” Truthfully, one can understand this impulse. But impulses are no substitute for honest thinking. Five minutes’ worth of private deliberation should have been enough. That it wasn’t—that everyone kept silent on such a momentous problem for so long—shows that the desire to be part of the action, on the right side of the in-group, is simply too much for many people to resist, even Hollywood movie starts (maybe especially them). Early career ambitions are no excuse for staying silent in the face of wickedness, but they are, at least from a brutally practical perspective, understandable. Once you’re on top, however, there is no way to justify it—except by the spineless and opportunistic standards of Hollywood, a place which looks the other way and allows men like Harvey Weinstein to thrive.

Ecce Vertias

Many people will concede that Jesus Christ existed while holding that he was not, in fact, divine, merely a “moral teacher” who preached love of tax collectors and forgiveness of wayward sons. Still others hold that Jesus never existed, that he was a sweet allegorical myth made up by a few illiterate fishermen, a campfire tale that—whoops!—a few billion people took hook, line, and sinker. But nobody—nobody serious, anyway—denies that Pontius Pilate existed, that he was a real person who really presided as prefect of Judea at the time that the Gospels say he did. And it strikes me that Pilate’s reality—a reality which no mildly literate person can contest—poses some problems for the skeptics who doubt not only Jesus’s existence but also his divinity.

To acknowledge the reality of Pilate—which one must do, at least if one is to accept the historical record, which includes not only the Gospels but also Josephus and Philo and the Pilate Stone and the Nicene Creed, the composers of the lattermost of whom we might assume knew of what they wrote and spoke—is, quite inescapably, to acknowledge at least the historical reality of Jesus Christ, for reasons that will be made clear below. But why should we concede that Pilate was in fact real? Because to argue otherwise is to make a deeply improbable assertion: that the authors of the Gospels invented a relatively high-ranking Roman bureaucrat out of whole cloth, not merely as a bit player in a larger drama but as a central character in the greatest drama ever told—and then we would have to assume that later historians were not only duped by this fake mystery man but that, in the cases of Philo and Josephus, they made up other historical facts about him: Josephus, for one, relates a nasty little trick Pilate pulled on a crowd of Jews using Roman soldiers, a story found nowhere in the New Testament. Perhaps more pointedly, there is no record anywhere, at any time, of any Roman politician, citizen or soldier, of any stripe or variety, ever speaking up and saying, “Uh, this Pontius Pilate guy never existed.”

So—unless we are to believe that the writers of the Gospels pulled off perhaps the most improbable and unlikely socio-historical dupe in recorded history—we must reckon with the reality of Pontius Pilate, which means we must reckon with the reality of Christ, and for all of the same reasons.  All four Gospels hold that Pilate oversaw the sentencing of Jesus Christ, that, harried and confused and wanting only to placate a baffling mob of angry Hebrews, he handed Christ over to death. There is no real reason to doubt that this happened. If Pilate’s role in the passion were fabricated by the authors of the Gospels, after all, then Pilate himself would have no doubt publicly denied it—it was in his interest as the governor of a volatile backwater province to quash what must surely have seemed like a powder keg of a Jewish rebellion. All he would have had to say is, “I did not take any part in the conviction of this man Jesus. Nobody named Christ was crucified under my watch. These people are liars.”

Yet there is no account—not an historical whisper, not even a shred of apocryphal papyrus—that has Pilate, or Marcellus and Marullus, the prefects who proceeded him shortly after Christ’s execution, or any higher authorities in Rome, denying that Pilate really oversaw the sentencing of a real man named Jesus. Nor do any Jewish sources deny it, and the Jews more than even Pilate would have reason to unravel the Christian story in any way they could, as Matthew points out they tried to do with that bit about the stone and the seal.

From these reasonable conclusions—that Pilate existed, and that so too did Jesus—it does not necessarily follow that Christ was the Son of God Who died and rose from the dead: the Roman bureaucrat and the Jewish preacher might be true, but the True God from True God bit is another thing entirely. This is an accurate tack—but also a strangely mercurial one, insofar as doubting the Gospels requires one to engage in a similar kind of historical denialism as does doubting the reality of Pilate. If we acknowledge that Christ really lived and, at the very least, really died, then we must also grapple with the claims of the Gospels, which assert unambiguously that He really rose from the dead. If Pilate actually ordered the execution of Christ, after all, then the end result of that execution was a dead body—one that no skeptic, no Sanhedrin, no Roman authority, nobody, anywhere, at any time, was able to produce. All that was needed to squash the claims of the Apostles was to parade around the flayed, beaten, scoured, stabbed, crucified, rotting body of the executed criminal: nobody could have denied the false claims of Easter Sunday after laying eyes on that.

That nobody ever produced such a body, or even mentioned seeing it, or even mentioned knowing someone that had seen it, suggests two things: either Jesus Christ never existed, or…something else. Since it’s fairly obvious he did exist, we are left with…well, something else.

So, Pontius Pilate was real, and so was Jesus, and the former ordered the execution of the latter, and the latter was executed. And then what happened?

No Questions, No Audience, No Nothing

Something has to be done about activist progressivism—the half-bright, emotionally-driven, fact-challenged, hysterical, irrational, violent, fanatical, cracked, crank, conspiracy-addled wing of American liberalism that is apparently determined to destroy American public debate and American freedom of speech in service to an idiot ideology based largely around feelings. Most progressives are not like this—political differences aside, most progressives are fairly reasonable, at least insofar as they’re not apt to assault you if you disagree with them, or form a violent mob in order to shut you up. But you do not need all or most or even a large minority of progressives to effectively clamp down on free expression in American society; you only need two things: a sufficient number of liberal activists to disrupt a sufficient number of political norms, and an unwillingness on the part of progressives to challenge this behavior.

We have both—hell, in many cases we’ve seen liberals openly, gleefully encouraging political terrorism. And this gamble has paid off. At the College of William & Mary last month, this happened:

Students affiliated with the Black Lives Matter movement crashed an event at the College of William & Mary, rushed the stage, and prevented the invited guest—the American Civil Liberties Union’s Claire Gastañaga, a W & M alum—from speaking…

The disruption was livestreamed on BLM at W&M’s Facebook page. Students took to the stage just a few moments after Gastañaga began her remarks. At first, she attempted to spin the demonstration as a welcome example of the kind of thing she had come to campus to discuss, commenting “Good, I like this,” as they lined up and raised their signs. “I’m going to talk to you about knowing your rights, and protests and demonstrations, which this illustrates very well. Then I’m going to respond to questions from the moderators, and then questions from the audience.”

It was the last remark she was able to make before protesters drowned her out with cries of, “ACLU, you protect Hitler, too.” They also chanted, “the oppressed are not impressed,” “shame, shame, shame, shame,” (an ode to the Faith Militant’s treatment of Cersei Lannister in Game of Thrones, though why anyone would want to be associated with the religious fanatics in that particular conflict is beyond me), “blood on your hands,” “the revolution will not uphold the Constitution,” and, uh, “liberalism is white supremacy.”

This went on for nearly 20 minutes. Eventually, according to the campus’s Flat Hat News, one of the college’s co-organizers of the event handed a microphone to the protest’s leader, who delivered a prepared statement. The disruption was apparently payback for the ACLU’s principled First Amendment defense of the Charlottesville alt-right’s civil liberties.

Organizers then canceled the event; some members of the audience approached the podium in an attempt to speak with Gastañaga, but the protesters would not permit it. They surrounded Gastañaga, raised their voices even louder, and drove everybody else away.

To its credit, the college released a statement condemning the protestors in harsh and unequivocal language, promising sanctions and consequences for the students who shut down a campus event using threats of violence and intimidation tactics. Haha, sorry, that was a small joke! The college actually released a limp-wristed, watered-down, piss-poor equivocatory statement lamenting the fact that “an event to discuss a very important matter – the meaning of the First Amendment — could not be held as planned.” Summoning every ounce of its historical and academic integrity, the university declared: “Silencing certain voices in order to advance the cause of others is not acceptable in our community.” Gee, it’s “not acceptable,” huh? Then why did your “community” just, you know, bend over and “accept it?” Why did your school both “hand a microphone to the protest’s leader” and eventually “cancel the event?” That sounds pretty accepting to me!

It goes without saying that, if this were a progressive event shut down by conservative protesters—if a Trans Pan-Sexual Foot Fetish Genderfuck People of Color’s conference had been taken over and closed down by a mob of thug College Republicans—the negative response would be swift, viciously unambiguous and virtually universal. And that would be the correct response: free expression, even when used in service of stupid political or cultural ideas, is a cornerstone presumption of a free society. But that’s most maddening part of this: freedom of speech isn’t a liberal or a conservative ideal—it’s a universal one, something to which any nominally liberal political order, and any nominally fair-minded person, should aspire. It should be terrifying to us when violent, irrational mobs feel perfectly free to silence political debate—not just one side of the debate, mind you, but debate itself, the very premise of debate. But that’s what happened here: rather than call campus police and have every one of the hostile and threatening protesters arrested, the college surrendered the event to them, gave them a platform to speak, and then shut the whole thing down. If you were a Black Lives Matter partisan, wouldn’t you count this as an unabashed victory for your cause, and a clear sign that intimidation and tacit threats of violence are an effective and acceptable political tactic? Of course you would.

This is all first-principles stuff—free expression versus political censorship, free societies versus violent mob rule. Yet one is obliged to point out that the ideals to which the Black Lives Matter protesters applied this idiot activism –the notion that the ACLU is some sort of white supremacist organization—is itself deeply, unquestionably stupid, though it is the natural end result of more and more progressives calling everything they don’t like “white supremacy.”

That being said, the notion that “liberalism is white supremacy” is, while semantically debatable, nevertheless, from an American perspective, rooted in certain facts of American history. Democrats, after all, were the principle sponsors of Jim Crow legislation throughout the postbellum South, and one of the most celebrated Democrats of the 20th and 21st centuries, Robert Byrd, was himself an Exalted Cyclops in the Ku Klux Klan. It was Democrats, too, who launched the filibuster against the Civil Rights Act of 1964, and Byrd himself who blabbed for over fourteen hours in order to scuttle it. It is doubtful that the clueless young men and women who disrupted the ACLU at William & Mary are really aware of these facts. But, in their dead-eyed stupidity, they are closer to the truth than they realize.